The Obscurer

Category: Politics

Lakeland Reflections


Last Wednesday, after we’d pulled onto the car park of the Water Edge Inn at Ambleside, the wife and boy grabbed a table by the lake while I went to the bar. About to order a Stella for myself I noticed the beer pump for Kronenbourg Blanc, and being on my holidays, decided to live a little and give it a go. As the barman tilled in the price of £3.40 I decided Kronenbourg Blanc would have to be something pretty special for me to have another pint.

In fact I had two more. One swig and I was hooked; it was bleeding gorgeous. I’m not a stranger to white or wheat beers; I’ve had the occasional Hoegaarden for a change, and have whiled away many a happy hour in Sinclair’s Oyster Bar with a pint of Sam Smith’s beautiful Ayingerbrau Hefe Weizen, but this was nicer still. A clearer looking pint than I expected, with a sharp, fruity, citrus tang without being too sweet. Delicious.

The only fly in the ointment was the slightly disconcerting feeling that I’d been suckered into a marketing wheeze; that Kronenbourg Blanc is not a revival of an old classic but a recent launch dreamt up by a committee tasked with brand stretching, its fine flavour the result of extensive market research, and that I was really drinking little more than an expensive and cloudy lager and lime.

It was though merely a minor discomfort that passed with the numbing of the senses as another beer was imbibed, and I decided that I was more than happy to be a willing dupe. Mine’s another pint.


We awoke in Bowness on Thursday to the same news as everyone else; that there had been a string of terror suspects arrested and that the airports were in chaos. We watched the news for a bit then set off, as planned, to the rather splendid South Lakes Wildlife Park. I’m familiar with Chester Zoo, a fine place to be sure but a bit overwhelming; you can lose the will to live there before you are even half way round. At South Lakes Zoo though we seemed that bit closer to the animals, and it was far more compact, as I imagine London Zoo to be (perhaps; I’ve never been but it looks neat on the map. Last time I was in Regent’s Park I kept seeing signs for the zoo but I couldn’t track it down; until, strolling up The Broad Walk I looked to my left and started when I saw an ostrich, keeping up with me, pace for pace, just the other side of a fence, and I realised I’d found it).

So we had a great time, and it wasn’t until we were sat having a drink in the Hole Int’ Wall pub that we thought again about the morning’s news, and that for all we knew the plot may not have been foiled and thousands of people could be dead.

Of course, we know now that that didn’t happen, whether because of excellent police work or because there was no such plot. I think some scepticism is understandable, after the ricin, red mercury and chemical vest plots that apparently weren’t; but until we find out for certain what the quality of intelligence was this time I’m prepared to give the security services the benefit of doubt.

Some of the conspiracy theories expounded have been pretty outlandish; I can’t see the entire aviation network being buggered just to manipulate public opinion, or to put the squeeze on Blair when he is out of the country. Some questions disappear into thin air the moment you have thought of them. Why, for example, keep the terror threat level at critical if the plot has been disrupted and the suspects detained? Simply because perhaps we can’t be certain all the suspects are in custody, and if those at large are no longer under surveillance they are free to regroup. That said, I deny anyone not to have experienced a shudder when they first viewed that hideosity John Reid making his horrible, horrible address to the nation from his Home Office bunker. There really was a chilling coup d’etat vibe about the whole thing, if not a full-blown “we have commandeered all your puny Earthlings’ broadcasting frequencies” feel to it. Thankfully, our Deputy Prime Minister’s address later on brought some welcome, if unintentional, comic relief.


Our last day in the Lakes was Friday, which brought the sports news that “Hatchet” McClaren had swung into action, axing David Beckham from the England squad for some pointless midweek friendly in the next week or is it the week after against oh-I-forget.

I think it is fair to say that even Steve McClaren didn’t want Steve McClaren to be the England manager, but we are all stuck with him now as he tries to make the best of bad job, the first act of which obviously has to be to make the visible break from the ancien regime, to appear the daring and decisive new broom rather than just the same old damp and tired mop as you move into the top job; and dropping Beckham surely proves it.

Or does it? After all, Beckham laid the groundwork himself by resigning the England captaincy after the World Cup, and getting shot of him is something the media and supporters have been crying out for for ages. If I had a penny for every time someone has said to me “Beckham’s not played well for England for four years” then I’d be halfway to affording a bag of crisps by now (I don’t have the widest circle of friends) but most people would probably have enough for a down payment on a Maserati, or could buy a Kia Pride outright, if you allow a discount for cash.

So I don’t have a great deal of optimism about the McClaren reign; even when he apparently stamps his authority by telegraphing a brave and bold decision, the reality is that he has made the obvious, plodding and unimaginative move. But while the Beckham “sacking” has taken the headlines, I think a more telling decision has been buried in the small print.

When Beckham gave up the captaincy battle raged over who should replace him; John Terry or Steven Gerrard. In this regard, McClaren has completely bottled it, by making Terry captain but giving Gerrard the consolation prize of the vice-captaincy (and a colouring set). Now, we all know that, unlike in cricket, football captains do fuck all really, other than clapping their hands together a lot and shouting “come on lads” (which Terry is very accomplished at); so what on earth does a vice-captain do? In this case it appears he lets Steve McClaren off the hook; it is an administrative weaselling that means he doesn’t really have to choose between two players from different well-supported clubs, coached by vocal managers who seem to have an enmity for each other. It doesn’t bode well; even on a basically irrelevant decision McClaren has chosen the road of timidity, or at the very least the timorous politician’s path.

We’ll see how things develop from here on in, but rest assured that following any successes for the England football team under McClaren’s stewardship this post will be radically rewritten in the Stalinist style; but I’m not anticipating any such action.

Bombing The Road To Damascus

A long, long time ago, before it began to be written by/for chimps, I used to watch The Bill. Most episodes would feature a police officer interviewing a suspect, and try as they might the writers found that there was only so much variety they could put into such scenes. If I had bothered to keep score then I would have lost count of the number of times the suspect would break down and confess along the lines of “Alright; I did it, I stabbed her to death in the kitchen. But you weren’t there! You don’t know what it was like, the way she kept taunting me! I had to do it; any man would have done the same!”; at which point awkward glances are exchanged between the interviewing officers and the murderer’s solicitor, each thinking “err, oh no we wouldn’t”.

I have been reminded of such storylines while listening to a parade of people on television and radio excusing Israel from using a sledgehammer – or rocket – to crack a nut in dealing with the attacks currently emanating from Lebanon. Israel, it appears, has no option but to react in the way it has in the face of Hizbullah’s aggression, and any country would have acted in the same fashion. I find it an unconvincing line myself. It is not that I believe Israel doesn’t have a clear right to respond, but I do question the severity of that response.

What I have thought interesting, when I have read the usual suspects complaining about the media’s coverage of the situation and their alleged bias, for example questioning the nature of Israel’s response, is that while we have seen many people defend Israel’s actions I personally have not seen a single person seek to excuse Hizbullah; but I don’t find this surprising. I think it goes without saying that any right-minded person condemns Hizbullah and their continued assaults upon Israel and its citizens. You would think the same would go for Israel’s acts, but apparently not. If people such as Melanie Phillips are astonished that Israel keeps getting criticised, perhaps she should reflect that it is because of apologists such as her that what should go without saying needs having to be said, over and over again, in the hope that it might finally sink in.

Where do we go from here? If Israel thinks that bombing the innocent in Lebanon will make them see the light and turn against Hizbullah, then history tends to suggest the opposite reaction. Melanie Phillips, again, in this article, tackles those who complain of Israel’s “disproportionate response” by stating that it is “no more ‘disproportionate’ than, for example NATO’s bombing of civilian targets in Serbia to force it to withdraw from Kosovo.” But apart from the fact that, a) although I am in the minority on this I personally do believe that NATO’s response there was disproportionate (it is a long story why, certainly another post for another day; suffice it to say that I think there could have been a peaceful resolution to the situation) and b) in over-reacting to acts of terrorism I would say Israel more resembles Serbia than NATO, the bombing of Belgrade during the Kosovo conflict had the immediate effect of uniting pretty much all Serb’s, both pro- and anti- Milosevic, against NATO. Israel will be casting a similar spell now in Lebanon; their response is surely doomed to failure.

I am no expert on the geo-political situation in the Middle East, as I think I have just proven; but you have to wonder what Hizbullah’s game plan is, and I would hope that Israel does too. If we take it as read – I have no reason to doubt it – that Iran and/or Syria are behind all this, then you have to imagine that launching rockets into Haifa and killing and kidnapping Israeli soldiers is not in itself going to drive Israel into the sea; the intention must be to provoke a response from Israel which would lead to even greater instability in the region. If so then Israel has reacted in a predictable and depressing manner. I’m speculating, of course; but if I’m right then the harsher Israel reacts, with their cheerleaders in the media justifying each attack regardless of its consequences, then the more they are falling in with their enemies’ plans.

No Licence For Your Petty, Petty Petty Crime

Time has now run out now for the NatWest Three (or Enron Three, depending on your viewpoint); as I write they are on an aeroplane bound for Texas where they are due to attend a bail hearing tomorrow and eventually stand trial for fraud.

There are good reasons to be concerned about the 2003 Extradition Act under which the three men are being removed from the country, primarily the fact that US prosecutors have not been required to provide prima facie evidence to the UK authorities when requesting extradition, and it is this issue that has most vexed organisations such as Liberty. There is also a concern that the three may not be granted bail, and so could languish in gaol abroad away from their families for two years awaiting trial, although how well founded that fear is considering the nature of the alleged crime I do not know.

But I think that there has been an unpleasant tone to much of the defence campaign for the three suspects. Richard Lambert of the CBI, speaking on Sunday AM this week, said that “no one is going to care much about what happens to three bankers”, but to me it seems that it is only because the defendants are bankers that they have featured so high up the news pecking order. Had these three been accused of more serious crimes, or been members of a less prestigious profession, then I doubt there would have been such a fuss about the level of evidence required to extradite them, it would just have been a case of “let’s get rid”.

As an example, take a look at the Daily Telegraph’s petition to John Reid requesting him to step in to prevent the extradition. The paper has probably been the most vociferous critic of the 2003 Extradition Act, at least with regards the NatWest Three, and in part its petition reads

We, the undersigned, believe your Government approved a manifestly unfair extradition treaty with the United States. It was done with good intentions – to help fight against terrorism – but the outcome has been highly damaging to our national interest…

…The treaty is being used by the US legal system not to capture bombers but to bring to trial in America British business folk.

Or, to put is another way, “Now look hear, we were quite happy with the extradition act in theory, when we thought it was about shipping over dusky skinned rag-head terrorists who aren’t really British anyway to our minds, but did you know that in practice they are going after the likes of us Daily Telegraph reading ABC1 professional types? It’s just not on”. If it sounds like I am being unfair and putting words into their mouths then that is only because that is exactly what I am doing; but it is still the grim impression I get from reading about the Telegraph’s campaign. Some statements made during the Common’s debate last night echoed this feeling, that there is nothing intrinsically wrong with the act, just the disquiet that comes from it not being used exclusively against terrorists.

As a result the NatWest Three’s defence has centred more on the claim that it is unfair that the men are extradited when they could stand trial in this country, and that as the US Congress hasn’t ratified their act there is currently no reciprocal arrangement in place whereby British authorities could extradite American citizens with the same ease; but this is a poor defence.

Whatever the rights and wrongs of the current extradition arrangements, it is surely correct in principle that American investigators can seek to try foreign suspects in the States; listening to some you would imagine that this was the first ever case of British citizens being tried abroad, but it is hardly a unique proposal. As it is, Steve at The Sharpener points to this FT piece that suggests that not only do the NatWest Three have a case to answer in the US, but it is conceivable that they could have been extradited under the old, pre-2003 rules.

As for reciprocity (if, indeed, that is a real word), if that is the issue then we could just support our government in its attempts to get Congress to fulfil their side of the bargain, as they may well yet do. Strangely, that is a something the defence campaigners haven’t argued for, but if the complaint is that the Americans are dragging their feet on the issue then this is the most obvious remedy.

For me some of those who have sought to defend the NatWest Three have chosen the wrong battleground. There are sound, solid civil liberties arguments against the 2003 Extradition Act; but in implicitly agreeing with it insofar as it relates to evil terror suspects some of the supporters have abandoned the moral high ground; that is, if they were really on the moral high ground in the first place.

A Gulf

The blogosphere is choc-a-bloc with disillusioned Labour supporters, disheartened by what they see as Tony Blair’s betrayals once he gained power, presiding over a government that tramples on many of our cherished ideals.

But I’m not one of them, not really. For one thing I’ve never been a Labour voter; but for another Blair was elected back in 1997 with a manifesto and billboard campaign boasting of how he would stick to the Tories’ taxing and spending commitments, so I never expected Labour in office to be any different from the preceding rabble. As such, in the early days of the administration I actually sought to defend Blair, after a fashion. To those on the “left” dismayed by Labour’s antics I said, “well what did you expect, he promised nothing and he has delivered”. To his critics on the “right” I just wondered what their problem was; I don’t know what more Blair could have done to satisfy them, short of actually joining the Conservative party.

So I expected nowt from Labour in 1997; but that bright morning after their election victory I clearly remember reading Ceefax (ah, those were the days) when a small story caught my eye claiming that the new government would launch an investigation into Gulf War syndrome. Perhaps I have been too cynical and pessimistic about New Labour, I thought. Early days indeed, but they had already done something that the Tories would never have countenanced. Maybe it would be all right.

So for me it was especially depressing to read this article in The Guardian, about how the MoD had to be dragged into accepting Gulf War syndrome by the pensions appeal tribunal only last November, and that it has since rowed back from that position by unilaterally reinterpreting its conclusions in order to save money. The report states that

Last month, Mr Concannon (the president of the tribunal) wrote to Alan Burnham, chief executive of the Veterans Agency, in unusually strong language. He said: “The Ministry of Defence have clearly and deliberately departed from the terms of the tribunal decision in order to substitute their own expression. In my view the Ministry of Defence have no legal authority to tamper with the terms on which a tribunal allows an appeal. The Ministry of Defence have taken on themselves to manipulate the terms of the tribunal’s decision.

“What they have done is a purely unilateral decision. It is a decision that at least questions and probably undermines any confidence the tribunal might have that its decisions will be faithfully implemented.”

Labour’s former minister for the disabled, Lord Morris, told the Guardian: “The Ministry of Defence has effectively overturned the tribunal’s decision. This could affect hundreds, if not thousands of servicemen who are suffering from Gulf war syndrome. This could stop them getting additional money.”

Last Thursday, the National Gulf Veterans and Families Association wrote to Lord Craig of Radley, the former Air Chief Marshall at the time of the first Gulf War, to highlight the MoD’s change of heart. The association accused the MoD of playing “another sleight of hand”.

Last night the MoD said it would not accept the existence of Gulf war syndrome. The ministry said money was already being paid to ex-servicemen with disabilities, and that it did not need to pay extra money for those who claimed they were suffering from Gulf war syndrome.

This government has done many things to appal; even though I expected little of them they have still shocked me in many of their actions. But this decision feels more personal; it brings me right back to Labour’s first day in power, when a jaundiced and slimmer future blogger briefly thought things could be just a little bit better.

This is where I came in; cynicism restored and intact.

Publicity

This fine weather’s not really conducive to blogging is it? And judging by the lack of recent updates on some of the other blogs I read I am not alone in that opinion. As predicted, The Obscurer’s rebirth on its own domain has been a bit akin to a toe-stubbing false start due to my general busyness, but in particular I have spent the past few days tipping cash into the pockets of assorted Premier Travel Inns, and swelling the coffers of various hostelries in Llandudno, Betws-Y-Coed and Manchester.

On my travels, however, I couldn’t help but notice that David Cameron has declared a truce between the Conservative party and the public sector, and I thought this would be worthy of a post. Regular readers, or at least regular readers who have paid attention, will know that I work in the public sector, and have written a few posts in its defence. So I resolved to return to the subject on my return home.

The gist was going to be that that you would expect me to cheer a speech by Cameron on the virtues of the public services, when many comments on the subject seem to tar all public sector workers with the same “lazy and inefficient” brush. In fact I was going to say that assuming that public sector workers are more caring and dedicated than their private sector counterparts, that they have a more vocational ethos, is every bit at stupid as suggesting we are all bone idle. I was going to say that public sector workers are not a breed apart from private sector workers; that most of us have worked in the private sector at some point and haven’t become either lazier or more caring just because our employer has changed. I would have gone on to say that personally I didn’t so much choose to work in the public sector as choose to do a job which just happened to be in the public sector, and that many of my colleagues feel the same way. I hope I have always done my job to the besy of my ability regardless of where my wages have come from. Just because Cameron has now made a flattering generalisation about the public sector doesn’t make it any less silly for all that.

But then, when I did get home and looked at David Cameron’s speech I realised that he didn’t actually say anything of any substance, and so there wasn’t anything to criticise or applaud in the first place; and so it was that the main purpose of this post came a cropper. Never mind. However, if Cameron thought that holding out an olive branch to this public sector worker would make me more likely to vote for him (and vote grabbing was surely his main motivation) then he is very much mistaken; although he is probably onto a loser with me anyway. I dutifully promise, however, that the moment his party actually comes up with something even vaguely resembling a policy then I will consider it in full; but I think we may well be in for a long wait.