The Obscurer

Category: Economics

Take The Biscuit

Last week in an interview shadow Chancellor George Osborne revealed how

the Prime Minister had barely spoken to him since they fell out three years ago over a Parliamentary vote, when Mr Osborne refused to cover for the then-Chancellor by pairing with him.

That’s intended to reflect badly on Gordon Brown, no doubt, but I don’t see why. If I regularly had to deal with Osborne in a professional capacity then I too would be looking for any flimsy excuse to wriggle out of my responsibilities. There is something I find instinctively dislikeable about the man, and you should remember my bias when you read this post. However, I tried to listen to his conference speech yesterday with an open mind. I’m not sure I succeeded.

Last year you’ll recall Osborne’s pledge to raise the threshold on inheritance tax brought the house down, prompted a surge in popularity for the Tories, and made Brown abandon any plans he had of holding a general election. The question now was whether Osborne could repeat the feat this year.

The headline grabber this time around was a proposed freeze in council tax; this was unfortunate, from a Tory point of view, as the “Labour has done it again” comment reflecting on the current economic crisis seemed to me to be a far more effective bit of political rhetoric and a fine narrative to run with. Instead, for those who could be bothered to get past the “credit crunch” news headlines to read about the Conservative party’s conference the main point they will have taken away is that the Tories have come up with a convoluted dog’s dinner of a proposal that is not really a council tax freeze at all. How it will play out in the country only time will tell, but I really have my doubts about the policy. Anything that is apparently paid for by those damned elusive “efficiency savings”, located as they are somewhere between the holy grail and the golden fleece, has to be questioned. The savings that have been mentioned include cutting advertising, regional agencies and management consultants; but I’d be amazed if advertising spending amounts to all that much, cutting regional agencies while increasing central government funding to councils seems a retrograde, centralising step, and while you would be hard pressed to find anyone with a lower opinion of management consultants in general as I have, the idea that we can just sweep them all away at a stroke to cut costs seems absurdly naïve. All this, by the way, while on the other hand Osborne announced setting up the independent “Office for Budget Responsibility” to monitor government’s fiscal policy and shadow Health spokesman Andrew Lansley trailed the creation of “Healthwatch” to act as “a national consumer voice” for the NHS. I assume neither of these bodies will be charities staffed by volunteers.

The reason for such an odd plan – to freeze council tax rather than to simply cut taxes – is because of the gloomy economic situation we are in, and to hammer home the fact that the Conservatives are serious politicians, hampered by Labour’s legacy of profligacy, and are not merely reckless tax cutters. “We will make sure that this mess never happens again,” assured Osborne, making a promise he must know he cannot keep, or perhaps mindful that he can always claim that a completely different mess happened to occur on his watch. But for the here and now “the cupboard is bare,” he lamented; there is simply no money for any “up-front tax giveaways”. While he managed to lower his voice from his usual shrill whine in a stab at gravitas, he admitted he could not promise to similarly lower taxes, and indeed elsewhere he has said that he may even have to raise them.

But just a minute; I thought the Tories had pledge to cut taxes, or at least to cut a tax; for cast you mind back a year and that is effectively what the promise to raise the threshold on inheritance tax to £1m amounts to. Opinion polls still regularly attest that this is a hugely popular move, thought I’ve never quite been able to figure out why; but as the Tories ladle on the dire news that they cannot promise tax cuts overall, the fact that they can promise one for the richest 6% of estates seems all the more inequitable. The more the Tories lower their voices and talk of lean times for all the more that pledge on inheritance tax seems to stick out like a sore thumb. So how come the support? How have they got away with such a freebie for a rich minority? Where is the sense of righteous moral outrage?

The promise to raise the threshold on inheritance tax has rightly been seen as a turning point in Conservative fortunes that has helped to propel them towards government. But if this is the only tax cut that George Osborne can promise while admitting that taxes overall may have to rise, then rather than being a popular vote winner that pitches him into 11 Downing Street this policy should really have 94% of us reaching for the pitchforks, the torches, the tar and the feathers.

Political Economy

I’ve largely kept out of discussions about the current financial crisis, and in a bit I may well wish I had maintained that position. I try not to talk about issues I don’t really understand, and international finance is certainly one of those issues. On the rare occasions when my eyes don’t glaze over at the merest mention of short selling and hedge funds my grasp of the subject itself is at best tenuous. Still, that doesn’t stop opinions from bubbling up within me from time to time in need of release, and this blog seems the obvious place to do that very thing.

And I like The Economist, I do, although I often skip the Finance section. I’ve subscribed to it for a number of years and I intend to continue. But good God does it have its faults. Don Paskini, for example, wasn’t far of the mark when he said

I’ve heard people say [The Economist] is very good because of its international coverage. On closer inspection, its international coverage turns out to be articles from round the world about the need to cut taxes, privatise services and deregulate in [insert country here].

And I have nothing against cutting taxes, privatising services and pruning regulation myself, but The Economist tends to hold so dogmatically to these ideas, laughably so at times, and so it can be easy to dismiss a paragraph here or an article there as simply lazy space filling plucked from the ideological section of their style guide, where the “public sector” anywhere is always “bloated” – or at the very least “inefficient” – and so to blame for whatever failure is imagined, even if the failure appears to be of the market rather than of government.

So to this week’s Economist leader, discussing, of course, the recent financial problems. And it’s fine stuff in the main, much I agree with. But then, towards the end, we read

Regulation is necessary… But naive faith in regulators’ powers creates ruinous false security. Financiers know more than regulators and their voices carry more weight in a boom. Banks can exploit the regulations’ inevitable blind spots: assets hidden off their balance sheets, or insurance (such as that provided by AIG) which enables them to profit by sliding out of the capital requirements the regulators set. It is no accident that both schemes were at the heart of the crisis.

And that’s fair enough in the main. Of course a naive faith in the regulator is wrong. But is that any worse than the naive faith that financiers “know more than regulators”? It is touching that The Economist still feels emboldened to make such a bald assertion in these times, but haven’t bankers pissed away any unquestioning faith that once went their way? I’ve never met a generalisation I didn’t hate (even if I issue as many as anyone) and this simple comment crystallises the bugbear I have with some of the recent comments on the financial crisis. I mean, if financiers are that much better than the regulators then they have done a good job of hiding it recently, especially considering their risks. After all, bankers have a far greater incentive than regulators not to fuck up royally, so what is their excuse? It is gratifying, in a way, to find out that those described by some as the very cream of the global market for “talent” can be quite as inept in their field of expertise as I am in mine. (And not just inept. In an article I read somewhere last week one particularly brainy employee from the UK arm of Lehman Bros. complained about the better treatment the US employees were receiving and so vowed never to work for an American company again. What a clot.)

The credit crunch can appear at times to be a canvas on which one can project whatever opinions one already holds; or at least that seems to be the case judging by some newspaper opinion pieces and from within the echo chambers of the blogosphere where sober analysis is at a premium. Perhaps the only change in some has been a new found acknowledgement that government can be good for something (ie. good for $700bn.)

On the one hand those opponents of capitalism, markets and globalisation have been handed their ammunition on a plate; but the joyful conclusions drawn, that rapacious capitalism is fucked and global finance cracked beyond repair, are simplistic and flawed. At least I hope they are, as does the manager of my pension fund. In reality we will get through this; there will be changes to regulation, lessons will be learned, and then we will carry on again in our own sweet way until the next financial crisis, when it will be realised that we overlooked something else again.

It is the opposing views that interest me more however since they seem more perverse; the defensive glossing-over and scapegoating that has gone on, the search for blame that fits in with existing prejudices. Hence in some we see the pointed criticism of the regulators given more weight than the grudging criticism of the financiers, reminiscent of the way voices complaining about the failures of a social worker can drown out those criticising the parents of an abused child; how for some it is the police rather than the murderer that is are more to blame when they fail to prevent a stabbing, or it is in fact the terrorists’ fault when the police feel forced to mistakenly gun down an innocent. It is to be expected, no doubt, but it drives me up the wall. So we hear this bleating that the regulators have failed, which they have to an extent; but it is a second degree failing let’s not forget. We are then warned repeatedly that if there are to be any regulatory changes we should ensure that they are appropriate and not of the knee-jerk variety, that there is a danger in bad regulation, or too much regulation. Do we need such statements of the bleeding obvious? To those I sense are still instinctively opposed to regulation then it seems the answer is “yes we do”. But an excess of anything is bad, and to voice such a truism adds nothing of any real value to the debate. We know that water is essential to human life, but also that drinking too much of it or drinking it badly can be fatal; we don’t need to be told this, and I would suspect anyone who felt the need to state something so basic to be either a simpleton or to be trying to diverting attention from something. Look, a bird! Obviously we need regulation that is as “just right” as Baby Bear’s porridge, but we can take that as read. We know all this. And we also know that Goldilocks is a fairy tale.

Some critics go further, however, and blame regulators and central banks for not only failing to prevent the current crisis but for helping to create it, which can seem like just another bit of blame shifting to me. So the argument is made that existing regulation is bad because it made banks look for weaknesses in the regulators’ armour, to hide items off balance books and away from regulators’ prying eyes, to surreptitiously duck capital requirements and to be forced into a lack of transparency which is where much of the damage was done. They just couldn’t help it, bless them. But isn’t it the height of naivety to believe that if there wasn’t such regulation the banks’ actions would all be honest, above board, adequately insured and funded? Isn’t this like blaming the number of dogs killed in illicit dog fights on the law banning dog fighting in the first place; to then draw the conclusion that this problem would never have occurred at all if dog fighting hadn’t been made illegal, so forcing it to operate underground; and to then warn against any tougher enforcement of the existing law as that may exacerbate the problem? Well, that makes about as much sense to me.

As for central banks, there is a general belief that Alan Greenspan helped create our predicament by cutting US interest rates too low and holding them down for too long in response to earlier crises; but how comforting to be so wise after the fact. Sure, these criticisms of Greenspan were always there, and kudos to the people who have held onto this opinion through thick and thin, but this was always a miniscule minority view, barely audible when he retired from the Fed to almost universal acclaim. Now this complaint is pretty much the consensus position, and other central banks have also shared in the blame for having too loose a monetary policy (but with less justification as far as I can tell.) The impression given is that keeping interest rates higher during, say, the dot com boom, would have been the obvious cost-free policy solution without any further consequences; and it may have been. But it also may have tipped the world into recession there and then, we just don’t know. Gordon Brown’s announcement of no return to boom and bust was always a hostage to fortune, but in all fairness developed countries have seen more of a period of sustained growth rather than a boom over recent times (asset prices notwithstanding) and higher interest rates could have put that at risk. It is easy to suggest different policy decisions in hindsight knowing they cannot be enacted and that no ill can befall the economy as a result.

Which is not to say that central banks didn’t make mistakes and perhaps did keep interest rates too low for too long, but even then surely this can only lay the groundwork and create the conditions that allowed the banks to chase illusionary pay days and to lose sight of their own risk management; there was no compulsion, no one put a gun to the financiers’ head. I’m not seeking to have a go at the banks here, or to seek to deny the important work they do, it’s just that they are at the heart of the storm and those that failed should take the bulk of the blame regardless of whatever else was going on around them; the fact that others were at fault should be an aside, not the set-piece soliloquy that some have sought to make it. After all, do we blame the proprietor of the All-You-Can-Eat Chinese Buffet when we pig ourselves sick? Do we say that it is Wetherspoon’s fault that their cheap beer leads some people to empty their stomach’s contents in a taxi at four in the morning? Some may, but they’re dicks. Whatever happened to personal responsibility?

I’ll go now as I have wittered on for too long and I now appear to be drowning in a sea of weak analogies. All I will add is that in common with most people my opinion hasn’t shifted with events. I believe in a mixed economy, in the power of the market and in the necessity of government; they both have their role, they both have their faults, and I don’t like seeing people trying to shift the blame from one to the other, not when it doesn’t seem deserved and not when it looks like a transparent attempt to deflect attention and to defensively bolster one’s own ideology.

A Short Post About Inflation

I have forgotten more about economics than I ever knew, and I hope to demonstrate that here today. While many people seem to be losing their heads over yesterday’s rise in the inflation figures, I’m long enough in the tooth to remember a time when such statistics would have been viewed with envy. Certainly inflation is high by recent standards and heading in the wrong direction, and the price of some household staples and essentials has risen by far more than the headline inflation rate – perhaps I am complacent because my recent shopping basket included two plasma-screen TVs, so presumably bringing my personal inflation rate down even as the rise in the price of milk and bread popped a few quid on the top of my weekly shop – but I still don’t think the current situation quite deserves the media’s hyperbole, even if over time it may do. After all, if it is generally held that Labour inherited a fairly benign economic situation from the Conservatives in 1997, and if inflation is now at an 11-year high, then from a different perspective aren’t we are back where Labour came in, in fairly benign times? My fears are reserved for the precarious future, rather than the somewhat over-egged present.

But my main thought today is for Alistair Darling’s response to those inflation figures. While obviously trying to play down concerns, alleging that the British economy is well placed to weather this economic storm, an assertion for which there is no evidence whatsoever, he was still anxious to stress that the recent rise in prices emphasised how important it is to bear down on wage increases in both the public and private sectors so we can avoid a horrific wage-price spiral.

True enough, in principle; but if, as is generally believed, the current inflation is largely due to the rise in commodity prices, then in the first instance inflation will continue to rise regardless of any wage restraint. If inflation is running at 4-5%, do we really need to be talking about pay rises of around the 2% mark to fight the good fight on inflation? If anything isn’t the opposite the case, that such a cut in real wages, while being marginally anti-inflationary, could cause more problems as people have even less cash to spend at the shops, so tipping us further into recession, and that rather than donning the hair-shirt we should be looking at reasonable rather than restrictive pay rises? We can overdo this wage restraint lark, can’t we?

I can assure you that you can forget any idea that I am motivated in saying this by the fact that my wage negotiations are starting soon and the Chancellor’s inflation line is bound to be mentioned as once again we are likely to get offered 0% of bugger all (now look who’s indulging in a little hyperbole.) Similarly, you can dismiss any thought that Alistair Darling’s statements are in any way predicated upon wanting to keep some sort of lid on the public finances, rather than purely fighting the doughty fight against the inflation menace.


What of our Shadow Chancellor then? George Osborne was on Newsnight last night and in a rush of blood to the head appeared to offer a policy. The government should cut tax on fuel, he said, so to help hard pressed families. How to square that with the Conservative’s green agenda? Well, with a piece of nonsense called the “fuel stabiliser” Osborne said a Conservative government would then raise fuel tax as the price of oil falls. For a Tory, a Tory, to suggest a policy that so neuters the price mechanism seems quite astonishing to me, but this went unchallenged by interviewer Gavin Esler. I have little faith in this Labour government, but the prospect of the Conservatives in power quite scares me; not because their ideology is repellent, and not because they have generally run scared of announcing what they would do if or when they form the next government (which seems a perfectly reasonable political strategy,) but because whenever they are asked what could or should be done about the problems we are facing at the moment, when the silence isn’t deafening their response is so utterly fucking clueless.

What A Shower

Fund manager Mark Mobius of Templeton Asset Management was interviewed about investing in emerging markets on the BBC’s Working Lunch programme last week. The interviewer, Nik Wood, began by asking just what an emerging market is.

It was actually the IFC, the International Finance Corporation at the World Bank. They were struggling with what to do with these underdeveloped countries, the poor. They were referred to as underdeveloped, poor, the South, so forth and so on, and … one gentleman from the IFC was in his shower in Washington one morning and he came up with the idea of emerging market which was a more optimistic name.

The shower? I have to wonder what IFC man was up to in the shower when the word “emerging” popped into his head, but I really don’t think I want to know.

Pump It Up (When You Don't Really Need It?)

The BBC managed to get awfully excited by yesterday’s inflation figures; both Five Live and Newsnight led on the news that the Consumer Price Index had risen, from 2.1% to 2.2%, while the more widely trusted Retail Price Index had also gone up, from 4% to 4.1%. Cue doom and gloom all round.

But is that it? Inflation up by 0.1%, leaving the CPI at just 0.2% over the government’s target? If the inflation rate had risen by any less it wouldn’t have risen at all. Jackie Long on Newsnight preceded her report by stating, “in some ways, today’s official inflation figure could have been read as a bit of good news”. “But we decided to run with the story anyway”, I interjected, finishing her sentence for her. And fair enough; no doubt the guests were booked in the studio, the bulk of the report had been filmed, and we don’t want to be wasteful when there are some potentially straitened times ahead.

I don’t want to sound complacent, I appreciate that the economy is in a tricky position just now, and that while inflation, unemployment and interest rates are still historically very low there are storm clouds on the horizon, with concerns over commodity prices, the knock-on effect of the slowdown in the US, and the amount of personal debt in the UK economy; but still, talk about talking ourselves into a recession before it has even happened.

There are a couple of things I could do with being answered, though, by anyone out there with the requisite knowledge. Whilst I acknowledge that the state of the public finances is a concern in itself, what is all this talk bemoaning the way it is restricting our ability to use fiscal policy? For years monetarists have told us that we shouldn’t use fiscal policy at all, even if we are in a position to do so. That always seemed a bit daft to me; after all, changes in taxation have a fiscal effect even if you don’t want them to. Now, however, not only is fiscal policy seen as desirable but almost magical, as if any tax cuts or increases in public spending will only have the wished for effect in stimulating demand without adding to the inflationary pressures that are already a worry and inherent in the world economy. So what’s going on there?

Secondly, if part of the concern at the moment is the high level of personal debt and the bubble in the housing market, themselves a consequence of the low interest rates we have enjoyed for so long, is it really a good idea to cut interest rates still further in response? Isn’t that a bit like reacting to the sight of an over-inflated tyre that is leaking air and looks as if it is about to burst by pumping in even more air, when really we should be looking at releasing some of the pressure through the valve? In other words, rather than calling for a frantic cutting of interest rates and considering fiscal stimulus packages, shouldn’t we just accept that a slowdown will have to happen at some time, that it may well be happening now, and that rather than strive to prevent it or delay it just so it can wreak even more havoc another day we should prepare for a downturn, perhaps even for some sort of recession, and we should be putting our efforts into engineering as soft a landing as possible?

Or have I just demonstrated why my career in economics stalled abruptly on my graduation day?